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Tuesday, May 13, 2008

Ucapan Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra al Haj...(eng)

THE FIGHT FOR MERDEKA
by Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj

Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Prime Minister of Malaysia has been hailed : "He is more than a leader, more than an institution, he is a nation". He graduated from Cambridge University. The Tunku was called to the Bar at the age of 48. The Tunku's name will go down to history as the leader who brought independence to Malaya, as the "Father of Malaysia" and as a man of infinite greatness, courage and humility. As leader of this young nation in a turbulent time of history, he has proved himself a true statesman and a lover of peace and freedom. His speeches are noted for their simplicity and candour. As early as August 31, 1955, Tunku Abdul Rahman, the then Chief Minister, made, reproduced here, one of the most important speeches of his career at the inaugural meeting of the Ferderal Legislative Council

THIS IS A NOTABLE DAY in the history of this Council. The recent Federal Elections have now passed into history. For the first time, this Council meets as a partially elected Council with an elected majority, in which I am proud and honoured to hold office as Chief Minister. A significant milestone has been passed in the progess of this country towards full responsible self-government and independence. When I survey the path that lies ahead, I can see difficulties and problems enough, but I am sustained by the fervent belief that with goodwill, patience and determination and, above all, with the support of Honourable Members and the people, all obstacles can be surmounted and all difficulties overcome.

It is, therefore, a particularly happy circumstance at this juncture that we welcome to this House today Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs, the Right Honourable Alan Lennox-Boyd. We welcome him in two capacities: firstly, as a Minister of the Crown and, secondly, as a member of that ancient House of Commons procedure of which has formed the pattern of democratic Governments in many parts of the world, and on which the rules and conduct of the affairs in this House are based. It is indeed a happy augury that today as Malaya marches forward on the road to nationhood, the Secretary of State has been able to be with us on this auspicious occasion. It is our earnest hope that in the courcse of the next year or two, he will be here to witness the establishment of full Parliamentry Democracy in this country. I hope, too, it will be my good fortune and privilege to be here to welcome him then.

His visit to Malaya has been made at a most appropriate time. Never before had the presence of a distinguished visitor been so much desired and welcomed, for this country is undergoing a change which has been the result of the new urge that has found expression in the people of Malaya, the urge for freedom. There are many matters about which, I, as Chief Minister, would have to have a personal, heart-to-heart talk with him. These matters have to be fully discussed and settled outright. His presence here will save me from having to conduct lengthy correspondence through the established channels across many thousands of miles which separate this country from England.

I am particularly happy that I should have been given the chance of meeting him first at the first opportunity he had, following his arrival in the Federation of Malaya. During that interview, I was impressed with the way he received me, listened to me and generally carried on conversation on various matters of concern to Malaya in the most cordial and informal manner. Finally, I was particularly pleased and hoboured in that he treated me on terms of absolute equality without making me feel that I represented a dependent territory or that I was leader of a Party that had been newly elected to this Council. That certainly was a good gesture on his part, and if this is the manner in which the Secretary of State conducts his business, I am sure the way will be paved for better relationships and understanding between Her Majesty's Government and ourselves in the future. It is clear, Sir, that he is not only long in stature but is also broad in outlook. I am more than encouraged to have frequent talks with him, be it here or in England, when I am settled in my office and able to plan the execution of the work that lies ahead. There is much hard work ahead, and much thinking and planning to be done, because Malaya is beginning a new phase in her history.

The result of the Federal Elections indicates that the Alliance has the support of the masses to an extent unprecedented in the history of free elections. The people have returned us to power because of our programme and policies under which, among other things, we pledge to attain full responsible self-government and independence for Malaya. Some people may be tempted to boast about such an overwhelming victory and be content to sit tight and rest on their laurels; other, elated by this victory, may become arrogant and make unreasonable demands for drastic changes without regard to the consquences, but the Alliance stands on a different footing. We are turly the party of the people; we are fully conscious of our obligations and responsibilities; we are determined to discharge them to the best of our ability and in the best interests of the country as a whole. We will carry out our taks in a relistic and practical manner, as this is the only way in which we can best serve the people. In order that we may progress smoothly, we shall need all the goodwill, help, advice and co-operation that Her Majesty's Government and Their Highnesses the Rulers are able to give.

We are entrusted with the task of building an new nation. Some are inclinde to think that it is too drastic a move to do so in four years, as that may upset the administration of this country and create chaos and disorder. On the other hand, there are others who think forur years is much too long a period to wait for the attainment of independence, and that independence should be given now. Such people are out of touch with the trend of thought in this country and ignorant of conditions here. As the people's party, the Alliance is in close touch with the people, and is able to judge the right time for independence and it was for this reason that we have announced a target date. We feel it is not unreasonable to expect that Her Majesty's Government will help in order that independence can be achieved within that time. If it is delayed beyond this period, you will help spread Communism, since Communism thrives and flourishes on colonialism. It will be a very sorry day indeed, not only for us here in Malaya but also for the people of England, if the Communists ever get a foothold in this country. The Communists have already infiltrated rubber estates, mines, towns, villages and what is even worse, our schools. Unless this infiltration can be checked in time, the Communists will consolidate their position and constitute a real menace to Malayan peace and to the peace of the world.

Thanks to the security forces there has been a great improvement in the emergency situation in this country but it is clear that by itself all the measures that have been adopted to fight the Communist terrorists will not bring the war to an end. The Communists are cunning and they fight from positions impossible to get at. Leaflets and booklets on which we have spent millions of dollars cannot convert them to our way of thinking. Their hearts are hardened against colonialism and they are fighting the Imperialists, so they say. The Government has taken every step possible so far to end the state of emergency but without avail. We are even planning now to offer amnesty to the Communists. There can be no question that by this offer of amnesty the Government is going to recognise the Malayan Communist Party or that we intend to negotiate with them for better terms. It is a step we have taken in giving accord to the wishes of the people who want to see established in this country everlasting peace and happiness. The terms are reasonable enough and there is every reason to hope that they would be accepted. But deep down in my heart, I feel that even if the amnesty terms were accepted, we might have militant Communism on our hands agains. The only real alternative to Communism is Nationalism.

While the state of emergency continues, there is real danger that many people will be driven to Communism, not because they believe that the Communist way of life is better than our way of life, but because they are driven to the Communist camp by feelings of sheer bitterness, frustration and desperation. In the course of taking action against the Communists, the Government has been forced to take certain measures. We have created new settlements, force the people to move bag and baggage from one place to another ; we have had to enforce food denial operations for fear that supplies many reach the Communists; we have had to restrict movement of people at different hours and at different places. There is no doubt that all these measures are necessary while the Emergency lasts, but it cannot be denied that they create bitterness in the minds of the people.

The only real and lasting answer to our problems is to help the growth of genuine nationalism. Before the war, nationalism admittedly existed in this country, but it was of a type which was considered narrow. Happily, in the course of the last few years, this nationalism has broadened, and it has won into its fold not only the Malays but also the Chinese, Indians and others who look upon this country as their home and object of their undivided loyalty. Today one hears Merdeka shouted by men, women and children of all races in every nook and corner of Malaya. This natinolism is healthy nationalism, but it must be fed and nurtured to help it grow. It will only grow on the realisation and belief that genuine progress is being made towards independence. If this progress is obstructed in any way, then nationalism will be forced to find other dangerous outlets leading either to Communism or violent extremism.

The Alliance has worked laboriously to foster the growth of this nationalism in this country. Let not all this labour be dissipated on petty differences as to the type of, or time for, independence. In the village, town, State and Federal Elections, it was this nationalism that carried the Alliance to unparalleled victory. The reason for it is obvious; Independence is what they want and our Party is the only party that is fighting for it.

I would appeal to Her Majesty's Government and Their Highnesses the Rulers to give the Representations we have made the most careful consideration. It is only by according to these demands that Malaya can be assisted along the road to Peace and Prosperity and saved from Communism. There can be no alternative; Her Majesty's Government and Their Highnesses the Rulers must be prepared either to foster the growth of genuine nationalism or hand over this country to the Malayan Communist Party. If self-government and independence are not realised within the time we have stated, we will then be asked what purpose can be achieved by our remaining in this Council, for our Mandate is definite and clear - get independence or get out.

Accoring to the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948. Her Majesty's Government and Their Highnesses the Rulers have given the assurance that "progress should be made towards eventual self-government in Malaya". In the light of this assurance, we request that a Special Independent Commission be appointed to review the Federal Constitution. We are prepared to meet representatives of Her Majesty's Government and Their Highnesses the Rulers in Conference in order to work out the terms of reference for this Commission. However, before such a conference is held, we consider it important to have a declaration that it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government and Their Highnesses the Rulers to appoint such a Commission. We are prepared to take part in the discussions, wherever the vanue may be, only as equal partners in the affairs of this country. The talks if they are going to take place at all should be held early in London and the subjects which should be brought up for discussion as well should cover some very important constitutional matters - matters affecting the public services, internal security and finance. There is a feeling widely expressed in this country that there should be a genuine effort to Malayanise the Public Services, including Legal and Judical, but it is not the intention of the Alliance to take any measure that will be deterimental or prejudicial to the interests of serving officers. They will be treated fairly and with the utmost consideration.

It is publicly admitted that there are certain appointments within the public service which symbolise Colonialism and in order to give tangible proof to the people of our progress towards self-government, it is necessary to abolish these appointments. On the subject of internal security, including the Police Force and Armed Forces, it should be committed to our care. I hope that Her Majesty's Government will not be under any illusions as to our ability to shoulder these responsibilities. On the subject of finance, we also feel that as representatives of the people, the duty of the building up of the financial resources of this country and the control over expenditure, should devolve upon us. Without such reponsibility and control, there can be no porspect of our discharging that trust which we have undertaken.

On our part, we repeat our assurances to Their Highnesses the Rulers that we will uphold their status as Constitutional Rulers of their respective States. There is no reason or ground for Their Highnesses to doubt our intentions and sincerity. It is relevant for me to quote that, after a conference in July, 1954 and in answer to our petition, Their Highnesses the Rulers declared that they considered "that the passage of time and the changing circumstances that inevitably arise form it, make it desirable to re-examine at intervals the Federation Agreement for the purpose of ensuring that it meets with needs and aspirations of the people and makes the fullest provision for their well-being and happiness". Our earnest hope, therefore, is that this declaration will be given effect now.

Sir, in conclusion, I would like to recall that the Right Honourable Lennox-Boyd has paid tribute to all those who worked so conscientiously and so efficiently to make a success of our first national election. I should like to associate myself with that tribute here and would like it to go on the record of the proceedings of this council. In particular, I would like to compliment all the Departments concerned and the Police for thier co-operation. I would also like to thank all those who went to the polls in such large numbers providing sufficient proof to the world that Malayans are politically awake. Further, I hope, Sir, that the Secretary of State will carry our good wishes to the Prime Minister and his colleageus. I wolud like to thank him for his presence on this most historic day - today is memorable because it marks the starting point of our united endeavour: not of a shadowy dream but of a splendid reality glittering in the sunshine of assured success. And the day is rendered even more memorable by the presence of the distinguished guest whom we are all delighted to welcome.

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